Haiti's Civil Society (Part 2)
By Hyppolite Pierre
For the last year, Haiti's political discourse has been focused on the May 2000 elections. Everyone, from the most amorphous individuals to the smartest of our country, have been discussing either the senatorial issue which has reinforced a de facto embargo or the elections as a whole, depending on their political affiliation. A fact remains however essential. Haiti's civil society has been suffering very deeply over the last few years.
The reasons are numerous. Some of us seem to think that they just sprang up with the 1990 elections that brought the first democratically elected Haitian president to power. Few of us are willing to think a bit deeper, to realize that all those problems were always there. We sat on them as though sitting on a time bomb ready to explode. Those problems derive from one basic factor: Haiti's emotional state. This is an issue that we will discuss sometime in the future. For the present purpose, we will only consider the effects on the country's civil society.
Definition of civil society
Civil Society is everyone from whichever social or economic class, who is an integral part of a country. In that sense, whether one is rich, poor, middle class or member of the ruling elite, that particular individual plays his/her roles and functions in that structure. A country's success or failure, a government's success or failure can be reflected in or even characterized by the attitude of civil society, its trust in it and its hope for it or dismay of it.
Haiti's civil society like most is diverse, complex and for those of us who know it and try to understand it, even fascinating. It is also a society that has had its share of failures, sadness, pressure, desperation and also hope. Recently with the insecurity outbreaks, the electricity and water shortages and the lack of confidence in the country's future itself, most if not all seem to have definitely given up. Except for a very few, the final goal seems to be to get a visa for either the United States, Canada or some other industrialized country. Reversing that trend is a monumental task that I do not wish on my worst enemy. Government to do so, must consider what can be called "the three essentials."
The three essentials
The State of Haiti needs to deal pressingly with three issues to begin satisfying civil society: communication, confidence and rationality. For that to happen, the present Haitian government must dedicate its energy on, at least in the beginning, creating the aura that they are in control. As they create such perception, their task becomes easier. First they must explain their policy and convince people that they are in the right direction.
The issue of communication
Haitians seem to doubt not the capacity, rather the dedication of any government to work towards improving their lives. That explains most peoples doubt about those currently in control of the state, and oftentimes the deep resentment towards those who pretend to have created a parallel government. That also explains why while Préval was in power, few expressed approval of, or even trust in, his urban policy let alone his national agenda (building of roads, repair and building of schools). Nowadays anyone who takes an informal survey in the Port-au-Prince metropolis can attest to the fact that already, most cautiously approve of his works on the Champ de Mars, and his few but significant national achievements. Thus, creating at least the perception of being in control is key to the government's success in "the three essentials" theory. That begins first with the work of communication, a very achievable goal. Putting aside my own personal bias, it is clear from listening to the leadership, that they sound much less passionate and much more rational in their approach to the current crisis. Granted, some may refer to the recent outbreaks at Pont Morin in Port-au-Prince (from March 17 to March 21, 2001) and the attitude of the Lavalas base as proof of irrational behavior. Nevertheless, the top Lavalas leadership's disapproval of their attitude during this outbreak and the language used to characterize the crisis shows a clear understanding that the time is no longer for street politicking. At least conceptually it is. If this careful management of crises can be transplanted into communicating achievable goals, explaining the difficulties ahead and the strategies used may go a longer way than we expect. After all, most of us in the political arena have mastered the art of sound bites. "La pè nan tèt, la pè nan vant" (peace in the mind, peace in the belly) is a perfect example. However, when it comes to using the art of sound bites to express a policy, we all seem out of words. We can and we must learn to be as efficient in explaining policies as we are when making political statements.
My goal in part 1 of this text was to give you a sense of the country as I saw it from my recent visit in Port-au-Prince. It may be pretty difficult to explain to strangers what the Haitian people are. But in the dust of Port-au-Prince, the mud of Cité Soleil, the crowd of Pétionville, the noise of Delmas and the calmness of provincial cities lie a people desperate for peace, order and hope. Ever since Baby Doc has left in 1986, there has been a void in Haiti's leadership. Aristide's charisma and depth of understanding of Haiti has not helped resolve the problem yet. If anything, as he seems to understand better the political terrain, as he moves away from fiery speeches to tempered language and political attitude, his political enemies seem determined to make him and his party fail. Very patient and now fully in control of himself personally and politically, he needs to expand in order to succeed. But that expansion must be controlled and must bear fruit for the Haitian people. The first thing that he must and seems to understand, is that the country can only survive and prosper with a solid and educated middle class.
Keeping the middle class home: the issue of confidence
It was in the late eighties when I watched a program on PBS (the MacNeil Lehrer News Hour then), where they had a report on the Mexican government becoming quite concerned over the fleeing of their middle class to the United States. As time went by and as I began to better understand the value of a middle class to any society, I got quite concerned as I witnessed powerlessly our best and brightest, leaving the country for good. No one however as far as I know, has commented on that aspect of the Haitian tragedy. People with skills in computer sciences, physics, law, medicine, carpentry, tailoring, small merchants and others, people who have crafted a place for themselves in the society through their hard work feel now that they must go. This is due to two reasons as I see it from my last trip. The first is the political situation. As I spoke with more than just a few less passionate middle class people, many of them will tell you that they are fed up. "Je suis à bout" is the French word that they've used constantly. It seems and is ridiculous to many of them, that parallel to a legitimate government that many of them really don't care much for, an older man who had stature and respect in society can stand unchallenged and claim the presidency. Granted, no one seems to wish seeing him arrested. That simply would not be good political public relations anyway. But they want to feel the government in tangible. They want to find some creativity there, where they can stand and not worry about the Convergence or the Lavalas base. It is to them a threat to the stability of a whole nation.
Haitians are used to dictatorship. That has brought great (but ultimately devastating) stability to the country. If anything, they feel as though the government should do something that makes them feel they are really in control, short of arresting or hurting members of the opposition. That is a difficult task required by a fed up portion of civil society. Those people may not take to the streets and demonstrate. But they are uncomfortable with this idea of two governments, challenging each other in the same capital. They also seem to wish that this battle for power should be off the streets. They rightfully feel that demonstrators should not throw grape fruit (chadèk) at their cars, taken away from small poorer merchants, when those political activists find no more rocks to throw. They want to be confident that if Lavalas is not in power, their political adversaries will not take revenge as it was in 1986 after Duvalier was gone. Even Gérard Gourgue in his March 29 address, sounded much less passionate than some of the spokespeople from the organization he presides over. Aristide also, in his March 29 address to the Haitian people for the anniversary of Haiti's 1987 constitution, sounded like a man who is desperate to bring that peace which he promised during his presidential campaign. His role as a leader who must control his base and keep them off the streets is not an easy one. What transpired from my meetings with middle class individuals is this. At least if and when people demonstrate, the police must be in control. First, the city must be notified that demonstrations will take place in such area so the general public (civil society) can be advised and take necessary precautions. There must be city ordinances (laws established by city council), that deal specifically with the issues of demonstration and the rules to be respected. What organization for instance is behind such or such demonstration; who is in charge of the demonstration, etc. If the organizers can be held accountable for the exaction of their partisans, then, less cars will be vandalized during such occurrences for instance.
Haiti is going through a political crisis. The legitimate government must prove that it is in control. The mayors of Port-au-Prince, Carrefour, Delmas and Pétion Ville (all parts of the Port-au-Prince metropolis) and their different city councils are all Lavalas. So are most of the mayors and city councils in provincial towns and cities throughout the country.
The latest news indicate that people demonstrate now in different cities and towns like Gonaïves, Petit-Goâve, Jérémie and others. Almost everywhere, those demonstrations have the same allure. Poor merchants lose their grape fruit when the demonstrators can't find no more rocks to throw. Civil society is paralyzed. It is not the first, nor will it be the last time that people demonstrate in a democratic society. But there must be control, rules. That has yet to happen in Haiti. People are just fed up with it. What is in fact needed is a national strategy to deal with this issue of demonstration. The government should be able to at least encourage those city councils to pass such ordinances so that society at large can function while others exercise their political right to demonstrate for or against the government.
That is the first challenge for this government if they want to bring confidence in their system. They must make civil society confident that they can still go to work, take their kids to school, shine shoes, open their shops or stores, etc. This is a challenge that can be met.
The issue of rational society
Sitting in a tap-tap (public bus) going to Carrefour, I cannot help but observe the sea of people in the streets, selling products from food to tires to services such as furniture making. This is an observation that can be made throughout the city. In fact, the entire Port-au-Prince metropolis except for some rare less frequented areas has become over the years, and now more and more, a market place. This is a safety threat at different levels. It is first of all a safety threat. People drive in Port-au-Prince like they do in Manhattan for instance. Except that Manhattan is well under the control of local authorities. Right now in Port-au-Prince, a car accident can cause the death of many passersby or merchants on the streets. The food products that are being sold on those streets are also obviously of poor hygiene (dusty and else). Merchants and those who exchange US dollars for Haitian gourdes are easy targets for thieves. The public threat and the security issues are thus extended by those factors. It also gives the city a lousy outlook where everything and anything is possible and doable. This creates unnecessary stress to the civilian population.
Now what if? What if government decided to remove people from the streets and create an alternative for them? It would be much cheaper for instance to buy some houses in strategic corners of this metropolis and create market places there. It would at that point be necessary as well to create and forcefully implement a law that would deny everyone the right to be selling their products on the streets. That would help the city in many, many different ways. If the spaces are accommodated for instance in such a way, that merchants would be afforded a space according to the service they're offering, it would give the city a more rational outlook. It would also be much easier to keep those places clean, while assuring the security of both merchants and buyers. Finally, it would help control the flow of the rural population coming into Port-au-Prince. At first, it would be easy for everyone to install their products in those buildings. But once the city registers everyone who is in there, they would have to make it virtually impossible for newcomers to come in.
While looking at the scenery on the road to Carrefour, I couldn't help but remembering the comments of an airport employee who returned recently from Jérémie, in the Grande-Anse department of Haiti. He explained to me that over in that city, life is much more peaceful (he used the French word "paisible"). There are much less people there. He also explained to me that the situation is quite similar in most of the other provincial towns or cities. People move to Port-au-Prince for many different reasons, making life there extremely difficult. Once people from rural areas know that they cannot just sell a portion of (or all of) their land, to come to Port-au-Prince or go to some other major cities to come and sell there, they will think at least twice before making the move that is detrimental to both themselves, the larger cities and the country as a whole. As such solution would be brought about in Port-au-Prince, it would also have to be duplicated in other parts of the country. It is the tendency of social irrationality that makes most third world countries so difficult to live in, so stressful in their own ways.
The economic benefit of such a solution is to me self-evident. First of all, the cost in terms of public health to Port-au-Prince currently, with the irrationality of the streets is extremely likely very high. How sick can one get by eating food products from the streets that are dusty, sometimes even splashed with mud thrown from car tires? If those same sellers find a clean and safe environment to sell their products, protected by uniformed and under cover police, civil society as a whole will benefit. People will find life less stressful, more rational, more secure. The middle and lower classes obsession to leave may be due to the irrationality of life in an already very poor country. Eventually, the state can even tax the bigger merchants (a small fee) and use that money to maintain the place where they sell their product. Last but not least, Port-au-Prince is so dirty and so dusty partially because there are too many people selling on the streets. Once the product bought is unpacked and used, the buyer just throw the package on the street. That makes it extremely difficult for the city to keep the streets clean. It is indeed true now, that there are trucks that regularly collect garbage throughout Port-au-Prince.
Regular people are desperate for a more rational society. Making tough and difficult decisions must be a major government's priority. This is clearly one of them.
The last few words
For Haiti to survive the present difficulties and even thrive, some extraordinary decisions must be made. While the legitimate government is negotiating a political solution with the Convergence, they must also keep their eyes on civil society and make it feel safe. Security is a serious issue in the Port-au-Prince metropolis. So is control. People must feel that the State is really in control so government can gain their trust. Haiti's civil society always looks on the outside (to some foreign land) for a better life. Government must make people believe in hope. In fact, they must make people hope and not despair. The formula can no longer be an if, and yet another if. That is very much part of our problem. We need more if's...therefore, or even if...perhaps then. We are at a crucial phase where everything must count, for the better. It is not enough that we have democracy. It is necessary that it means something positive in people's lives. That can be accomplished. I left Haiti recently with a distinct such feeling.
Leaving Port-au-Prince on Thursday afternoon and returning to the United States, I couldn't help but notice the people outside of the airport. I just smiled at those who looked at me, simply thinking "I am just you, like you; except that I have to go and leave you all behind, still thinking of you."
I arrived in New York, got picked up (me and my family) and returned to Maryland the next day. On my way home on the New Jersey Turnpike, I heard this last song from 93.1 FM a Spanish New York radio station, again sung by Myriam Hernandez, before the signals got cut off. The words go like this:
" Este deseo que se esconde en la mirada.
El fuego atroz, de una passion desesperada".
Well, I can't translate the loving emotion in those words. They simply remind me of my desperate love and passion for a country so poor where I was born, that has a very, very special place in my heart. I could only say to myself, quietly, "if each of us could work in his or her own sphere but yet together, and just forget about being president."
