Aristide, Power, and the Opposition on the Eve of 2004
This text does not necessarily reflect the points of view of the IRSP editorial team
By Wisler Jacquecin
Jean-Bertrand Aristide
Elected for the first time in the general elections of December 16, 1990 (using liberation theology as his strategic bible), Titid still has a grip on power in the poorest nation in the western hemisphere. He won the people's heart by promising change, transparency, and growth.
He vowed to take on powerful nations because they took advantage of Haiti and for their relationship with the dictatorial regime of the Duvaliers. But soon after taking office, the young populist priest of St Jean Bosco Church turned president was exiled to the U.S by way of a coup d'etat, the 30th of September 1991.
Living in the US, Aristide worked incessantly to return to power and finish out his term. Finally after years of negotiations, he returned rather triumphantly to the National Palace on October 15, 1994. His return renewed hopes in the heart of many poor Haitians, the base of his support.
Forced constitutionally to leave office in 1996, he started his own political party after disagreements with many of his former cronies in the OPL. After seating on the sidelines for five arduous years, he won the elections in 2000. However, unlike the first time, the election results were contested. That proved to be the start of our current political problems. To no avail, the international community tried to broker a deal between the Aristide administration and the opposition.
After many protests by the opposition, resolutions by the OAS, and sanctions by other governments, Aristide is still in power and arguably somewhat popular, depending on where you research. How does he do it?
The Opposition fuels Aristide's power machine
The opposition is weak in substance and in structure. The many parties that make up the opposition have no real plans but one goal: to unseat Aristide.
The strategies have often been the blame game and abstention. It seems as though the opposition does not want to participate in any constructive plan aimed at potentially moving Haiti out of its current misery as long as Aristide stays in power.
It blames the government for the fruitless negotiations and subsequently the failures to reach an agreement with its different members. I seriously think that they don't really want to negotiate.
That's because they don't want to recognize the government as being the legitimate one in the country. What they fail to realize is that there is little or no alternative. The international community has to deal with Aristide in order to reach an agreement. That is a tacit acknowledgement of the legitimacy of the government thus the acceptance of the 2000 election results. That is clearly illustrated whenever there is a new ambassador to Haiti, the diplomats' credentials are presented symbolically to the Haitian president. As the face of the nation to the outside world he continuously proves to be resilient and difficult to dismiss. He works to procure from France the restitution of Haiti's "independence fee". The cause is something that many Haitians have proven to be supporters of, so he certainly scores some important points with them. Therefore, he remains undeterred in his fight for more power.
The Opposition
The opposition doesn't speak with one voice. That exposes the friction that exists between its many different member parties, all of which can't agree on who would become president in Aristide's stead. The public is aware of all of this. Although the president's approval rating has steadily declined in the past two years, people still can't agree on the alternative, partly because no one has risen to the plate, taken advantage of the situation to campaign nationally, bring people together, give them hope when it is so badly needed.
The problem of the opposition lies with its inability to put its differences apart and really come together under one umbrella. Under that umbrella, the Convergence Democratique would form a unified front.
It would have a platform; one that is very specific. None of its leaders stands a chance to win the next presidential elections while maintaining that zero option tactic. One that, in my opinion, is bad for the country in the long run.
The zero option doesn't work, it destabilizes the country. For example, when and how to proceed with the congressional elections that are to be held in the near future is a point of contention.
Haiti's Parliament has on September 8, 2003 held its last session. The Constitution of 1987 calls for elections to replace or reelect the members of Congress. The opposition has balked at the idea of participating. Although that's changing.
What's the Alternative?
We can't have the congressmen extend their term while in office. Do we call for a special session to discuss that? Or do we simply allow them to just come back to work in the next session without an election. Preposterous is the claim that the 2000 elections weren't fair, in today's politics. It doesn't matter anymore.
Let's agree for a moment that there were irregularities, that was unfortunate and we should work to never let that happen again. The so-called illegitimate congressmen's time were due and they are no longer in office. The opposition wanted them out, so they are out.
What's next?
The opposition still doesn't have a plan. That's what's harming their cause. Let's come together and put aside our differences for a while and save this nation of ours.
Aristide's grip on power is tenuous right now. It is obvious because now not only are the opposition leaders calling for his removal but some of the OP members are as well. Now it's time to work through the convoluted electoral process and allow the congressional candidates to campaign. We need to serve the country respectfully and dutifully. That means putting its best interest at the forefront of everything that we do. We need strong and independent institutions. Independent institutions mean democracy. Strong institutions mean progress. We need unselfish leaders. We need to revolutionize our way of thinking and move on. Whether Aristide controls the country or not, one thing is clear, he doesn't control everyone. As leaders and citizens of the country, the challenge is to work together (yes, that means with Aristide as well) for an eventual change.
What would our forefathers think of us? How would they feel? How would they approach and deal with what we face now? Guess what? it's not important because they aren't here. They solved their own problems. Now, it's up to us to think with Haiti in mind and slowly move out of this labyrinth. We aren't going to be great in days but Haiti can be in years. What pride is there in being smart, courageous, and powerful if others can't enjoy and benefit from your intelligence, courage, and power. When we get our acts together and our kids feel proud once again to say that they were born in this western part of Hispaniola, then Haiti will be great again. Our kids will learn from us and work ardently so that Haiti can prosper. So be Haitian enough to see yourself as a citizen first and fight to protect that which our forefathers have died for. As long as we do that, we don't have to worry about what they would think if they were alive.
I say we have elections with the presence of a multinational force for the security of the candidates. We would also have international volunteers to monitor the elections. If the opposition can sway the votes its way, it's going to have a commanding presence in Congress. It has a lot to do if it is to persuade the voters to entrust it with what its members are asking. In the end, it'd have some political weight and probably force Aristide to lead fairly. That would ultimately clear the way for international aid and maybe our country could muster all it can to get out of this hellhole.
In the meantime, let's think about January 1, 2004. We certainly have a lot to celebrate and be proud of: our forefathers' accomplishments.
Toussaint Louverture said before boarding "La Creole", on its way to Cap-Haitien: "In overthrowing me, you have only cut the trunk of the tree of liberty; it will spring again from its roots for they are numerous and deep."
Today, what are we fighting for again?
