Understanding Haiti's Current Political Crisis
This text was first published in 2000. It shows that the situation in Haiti has not been improved since then.
By Hyppolite Pierre
It's been now seventeen years since Haiti has been struggling to at first create the conditions for, and now establish institutional democracy. The trajectory has been long, and many a times perilous. Progress has been made, despite certain claims that would suggest otherwise. It is a fact for instance, that Haiti has more political parties, legally admitted as part of the political process, than ever before in its history. It is also a fact that on February 7, 1996, for the first time in its almost two hundred years history, a change of presidency was made peacefully in Haiti, with the former president living now in his home in a suburb of Port-Au-Prince. It is again a fact that despite all the country's problems, a very solid albeit controversial opposition has been able to grow in that island, with no logical fear that its leaders will be sent to exile because of their divergent political opinions. It is once again a fact, that this time around, based on voter registration and the anticipation, a greater number of people from all social and economic categories will go to the voting booth, than there has been since the presidential elections of December 1990. It is finally a fact that for the first time in the country's history, the people themselves feel free to express their like or dislike of the government, on the airwaves, in the streets, or in public transportation, without the fear that tomorrow might be different, and that one might then pay for his or her or their, prior verbal indiscretions.
It should have also been comforting to know that the current administration of elected president René Préval is the longest, non-interrupted government of Haiti since Jean-Claude Duvalier's departure in 1986. But Haitian politics is different and, nothing is sure unless everything is sure.
Background of the present difficulties
It was on February 7, 1996, when Jean-Bertrand Aristide left the National Palace as required by the 1987 Constitution, and was replaced by the current Haiti leader René Préval. Aristide back then, was collaborating with a political movement that took roots while he was in exile: the OPL which meant then, Lavalas Political Organization. But because of infighting and personal ambition, the leader of the OPL Gérard Pierre-Charles, and former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, went their separate ways. Eventually OPL kept the same logo but, changed its meaning. It has now become Organization of the People in Struggle. Aristide and Pierre-Charles became bitter enemies. Aristide went back to his roots and continued to organize politically with the poor, created a foundation that is involved in social services, and created a new party which at first he called a political movement: Fanmi Lavalas. Gérard Pierre-Charles on the other hand, moved on to become one of the most vociferous anti-lavalas politicians on the land. He began travelling to the United States, in search for support, mostly from right wing American politicians. He met for instance in private with the likes of Jesse Helms, a well-known racist Senator of North Carolina. He then proceeded by forcefully attacking the current Haitian president in the press, René Préval.
In the meantime came the April ‘97 elections. Only five percent of the electorate took part in those elections and the new Lavalas movement of Aristide seemed to be in winning position. The OPL denounced the elections and declared, that the Lavalas movement was heavily involved in fraud. The OPL cry was loud, clear and convincing. The elections were indeed, finally considered as not reflective of the people's will and were effectively put aside. The winners of the ‘97 elections never took seat in the Parliament or in the municipalities.
But tension rose at the same time between the president and Prime Minister Rosny Smarth, a leader of the OPL party. He resigned, and there began the constitutional dilemma.
Préval tried to, instead of choosing a member of the majority party in Parliament as required by the Constitution, picked more of a "neutral figure", to replace the departing Prime Minister. He chose Ericq Pierre, a member of the IADB (Inter-American Development Bank). But Ericq Pierre never got too far with his nomination, since he was rejected in a parliamentary committee, by use of a technicality. He could not prove his nationality since he could not find his grand mother's birth certificate in Haiti's National Archives.
If Préval did wrong by choosing Ericq Pierre rather than a member of the OPL for the Prime Ministership, OPL did not score big either. Indeed, according to the country's Constitution, Rosny Smarth was supposed to have remained in his post as a caretaker Prime Minister, until a consensus could be found for a new Prime Minister. He became impatient and left, in clear violation of the letter of the Constitution.
Finally, the fight between these two groups became more and more bitter. René Préval suggested two other figures for the post: Hervé Denis an economist and playwright, and Jacques Edouard Alexis a university official and Minister of Education. Hervé Denis went before the Parliament twice, to be rejected both times. Alexis on the other hand, was approved by a majority but, did not have the chance to present his full cabinet as required by the Constitution, to get the final approval as Prime Minister. What happened next is the cause of all the current worries.
During all these times since the resignation of Prime Minister Rosny Smarth, the OPL majority parliament never voted a budget. The whole Parliament did not legislate either on the vast majority of issues. In fact, many of the Haitian Parliamentarians could easily be found instead, in cities like Montréal (Canada), Paris (France), Stamford (Connecticut, USA) Miami, (Florida) Brooklyn, (New York). They could be found there at time of legislative sessions, and not on official visits. One of them, an OPL member of Parliament, was even jailed in a Scandinavian country for drug conviction. He was apparently transporting drug to that country, and was subsequently arrested, tried and convicted. Others got involved in visa trading, a practice in Haiti where one person travels as someone else, mostly to the United States, by borrowing that person's identity and actual passport. That "trade" came to a halt when one Haitian parliamentary was found guilty of such practice.
It is against this background that Préval closed down the Parliament in January of 1999. Indeed, the majority of the Haitian Parliament was constitutionally required to go to elections by then. But that issue went on the back burner. Those elections did not take place and Préval decided then, that he would not authorize a new parliamentary session with those same leaders, without elections.
After much noise and little compromise, the OPL and the current government went to the negotiating table with other leaders of the opposition. Thus was formed amongst other things, the new Provisional Electoral Council, a fresh group of political opponents called L'Espace De Concertation, and a new Electoral Council Law.
Haiti's current problem: the lack of solid institutions
More than anything else, Haiti's current problem is institutional. There is also that emotional issue which we will briefly tackle. Haiti's best and brightest as it is well-known, mostly resides abroad with no intention of returning. Because of all the political infighting, Haiti has not been able either, to build upon the remnants of its educated class. Also, because of low pay and political ramifications short of assassination, many people who do have the proper qualifications, are always concerned about getting involved in anything that involves public funding. The CEP (The Provisional Electoral Council), is a good example. Despite the fact that the CEP is helped by organizations like IFES, USAID and others, the Council has not been able to come up with a sound system that should have guaranteed by now, an actual firm date for elections. This is the third time since July of last year, that the CEP has had to give a new date for the actual elections. They are now scheduled for April 9, 2000, and a second round to be taking place on May 21 of this year.
The CEP has dealt with issues such as theft of electoral cards (in the Artibonite region of Haiti), lack of voter registration cards, photographic materials being misused, or in need for repair, etc. In the meantime, the largest political party in Haiti, Fanmi Lavalas, has been pleading for more electoral bureaux (BI), so that people from poor urban areas and the inner cities can actually cast their vote. A conflict in the Grande-Anse region (Anse d'Hainault), has been going on since the end of last year between COREGA, a political organization, and the local administrators of CEP. The conflict rose out of these administrators decision to exclude a seemingly popular appointee of the Executive, from posing his candidacy for Mayor. Many got upset and have been fighting ever since to get rid of these administrators, whom they accuse of being members of an opposition group, the Espace De Concertation.
This conflict should have logically been resolved quite a while back. Each party under normal circumstances, should have been able to make its case before a panel of judges or legally qualified people. That third party should have been able to make a decision based on those facts. But in Haitian politics, no one trusts no one and every politician is always "watching his back". This comes from our dictatorial tradition and the mentality that "it's either everything or nothing". Coupled with that is an opposition which believes, that it should have had by now, "its place in the sun". They feel that they've worked hard enough at convincing the population of their qualification, and should be entitled to most, if not all, of the elected posts.
There is also that feeling probably on all sides, that "you either win now, or you never will". Haitians mostly, still fear that the party in power, whether it be true or not, will always result eventually, in using that power against them. Recent events in Haitian politics, give in fact little or no justification to that belief. Indeed, Lavalas lost bodies as well as OPL, or other parties. Aristide lost a nephew who was a deputy, shot to death in Port-Au-Prince, back in 1995; Mireille Durocher Bertin, a well-known member of the right-wing opposition, was killed back in 1995; Préval's sister almost got killed last year when she was shot at and received numerous bullets; an OPL legislator (a Senator), was assassinated also last year. None of those crimes have been resolved. It is hard sometimes to define, whether those crimes are truly political, or result rather from the insecurity phenomenon that has plagued Haiti for the past few years.
Mistrust against the Electoral Council
That mistrust can also be found, even against the Electoral Council. Indeed, the CEP has decided on Wednesday March 8, that because of all the technical difficulties, the elections could not take place until April 9. Normally, as stipulated in the Haitian Constitution, and as can be found in the body of the Electoral Council Law of 1999, the Executive Branch of the government must be informed of such decision. Article 191.1 of the Constitution is clear on that subject. Chapter 1, Article 4 of the new July ‘99 Electoral Law, repeats the article of the Constitution, almost verbatim. But the CEP decided to overlook that law, and decided on March 8, to inform the media and other authorities of its decision, without letting the Executive know. The President himself, René Préval, was informed of that decision by the press while inaugurating a new electrical station in the city of Jacmel. He thus declared that the CEP's decision is not yet official.
Préval obviously, mistrusts the CEP. He seems to think that they are out to hurt his party (Fanmi Lavalas), and not giving them the chance to obtain the majority which they believe they should and will win. The CEP on the other hand, may just be trying to prove to the opposition and the international community, that it is truly independent from the government. They thus made a poor choice to prove it.
Gérard Pierre-Charles of the OPL, has proven once again, where his heart lies. He immediately blasted at Préval, talking as though the president is trying to not have elections until December, so that Aristide's party can have majority in the Parliament.
In the meantime, the international media gets involved in the game. Already, the very prestigious National Public Radio News did a report on the night of March 10, which gives to Haiti a poor image. Some Republican member of Congress even claimed that Haiti is now under a dictatorship. The new Haitian opposition, now allies of the Republican party in the United States, has thus stricken a blow at the heart of not only the government, but also the people. It is indeed hard to justify that congressman's qualification of Haiti, when he probably is very poorly informed.
Haiti today
Haiti's current problem is first of all institutional. There is a serious lack of technical expertise in institutions such as the Electoral Provisional Council. In fact, the current problem is also caused by all the political infighting of the past few years. Haiti should have had by now, a Permanent, not a Provisional Electoral Council, according to the letter of the 1987 Constitution. This is an issue that the last Parliament never took on, since they barely legislated during their entire tenure. Moreover, eight of the nine members of the previous Council resigned under pressure from both the Executive and the OPL. The ninth member, died of natural cause.
If anything can be learned from these problems, it is that once the elections take place, this new parliament will have to take on some very serious issues. The strengthening of Haiti's institutions should be a first priority. Without that kind of work by the legislative body, Haiti's democracy will always be in periods of crises. The country will consequently suffer, and despite all the good will of Haitians and Internationals, the country will stay behind.
The Haitian opposition also has to learn to craft its arguments, so they can benefit the country, rather than hurting it. It is hard to understand how today's Haiti government, can be considered a dictatorship. The problem is, that those terms are used by both the opposition inside the country, and certain detractors outside the country. There is no systematic killing of opponents in Haiti; if anything, Haiti has a very tame police force which barely enforces the law; the country no longer has its repressive army; political discourse has not been interrupted or placed under check since September of ‘94; elections have taken place.
Perhaps the single most pressing problem of Haiti is its judicial system. Because it is so weak and even corrupt, it's very difficult to enforce the law, when judges and jury can be bought for the right amount. But it is also obvious that both the government and the international community are willing to help resolve, and are helping resolving that issue.
The opposition in Haiti is not effective because it is still "looking for its web", finding its way in the country's political sphere. The opposition is now united only on one basis: to defeat Aristide. He has become single-handedly, their political glue. If and when he is no longer as strong, they will all probably be quarreling, since many of those parties have no ideological basis. It is hard for instance, to define the political philosophy of the RDNP, or the MDN, or even the OPL. They are all part of the opposition, but it's hard to figure out what they truly stand for. They have all become Masters of Criticism of the Lavalas regime. But none of them can take an issue and convince either the people inside the country, or the Diaspora, that they can do a better job than the current Lavalas government.
Despite all these problems, Haiti is probably still on the right track. The country is experiencing a construction boom, mostly private. International investors are taking a wait-and-see attitude, and Haitians in the Diaspora themselves, have either invested or will invest in the country's meager market.
The prognosis by some may seem poor. But the possibilities are clearly there and the smart investors have either invested, or will invest in this new infrastructure. Time and patience are on Haiti's side, and the logic of democratic government will finally bear fruit, sooner than its detractors hope.
